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secretary in mississippi. he had fought for his country in world war ii. before coming home to fight for justice here. his assassination by a white supremacist in june of 1963 helped to inspire the march on washington. joining me now is myrlie evers williams, the widow of medgar evers and a legendary civil rights leader in her own right. and historian taylor branch author of the trilogy of books on dr. king and the civil rights movement. thank you both for being on tonight. >> it's a pleasure. >> thank you. >> let me start with you ms. evers williams. your husband was killed in june of '63, and it was part of what really ignited the movement that had already started around having this march. you were the speaker at that march and didn't make it. and one of the things we're most proud of is tomorrow you're going to make that speech at lincoln memorial for the march on washington. >> well, thank you. >> 50 years later. >> thank you ever so much. >> tell us what was running through your mind as you fought in mississippi and the climate in 1963. because i don't think people understand th
that day. >> we must get in this revolution, and complete the revolution. for in the delta of mississippi, in southwest georgia, the black belt of alabama, in harlem, in chicago, detroit, philadelphia, and all over this nation, the black masses are on the march for jobs and freedom. >> in the five decades since, john lewis has become an icon of the civil rights movement, a hero who faced down brutal southern police in the name of freedom and was beaten bloody for daring to do so. today, he is a 14-term congressman from georgia. recently, he and i returned to the national mall in washington to remember that day in 1963 and the march that changed america. >> people were all the way down. and you just saw hundreds and thousands of individuals. i'm john lewis. and i was the youngest speaker. ten of us spoke. i spoke number six. dr. king spoke number ten. and out of the ten people that spoke that day, i'm the only one still around. >> congratulations. >> what's that? >> congratulations. >> thank you very much. >> it was a great moment in american life. >> you were his friend? >> yeah. i got to
of their dignity by signs stating "for whites only." we cannot be satisfied as long as a negro in mississippi cannot vote and a negro in new york believes he has nothing for which to vote. no, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. i am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. you have been the veterans of creative suffering. continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. go back to mississippi, go back to alabama, go back to south carolina, go back to georgia, go back to the louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. let us not wallow in the valley of despair. i say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and t
be satisfied as long as the negro in mississippi cannot vote and the negro in new york believes he has nothing for which to vote. no, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. i am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution, and staggered by the winds of police brutality. you have been the veterans of creative suffering. continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redementive. go back to mississippi. go back to alabama. go back to south carolina. go back to georgia, go back to louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities. knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. let us not wallow in the valley of despair. i say to you today, my friend friends -- [ cheers and applause ] >> -- though even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow i still hav
a century in the making. edith hill cannon grew up in the '60s in mississippi. >> as much as my parents tried to protect me, you couldn't escape discrimination. >> reporter: do you ever forget the discrimination? >> uh-huh. no. >> reporter: she listened to a who's who of celebrities and politicians including the daughters of two presidents, lynda johnson robb and caroline kennedy and two former presidents, jimmy carter and bill clinton. >> this march and that speech changed america. they opened minds, they melted hearts and they moved millions. >> reporter: the event included a recreation of the 1963 march through the streets of washington that ended at the lincoln memorial. setting up a nearly five-hour program under cloudy skies and periodic rain. congressman john lewis returned today, the only speaker here to share the stage in 1963 with dr. king. >> this moment in our history has been a long time coming but a change has come. >> reporter: bill tate says he was here, too, 50 years ago. that day when dr. king made that speech, what were you thinking then? >> i knew we were in a moment
trying to change b this country. he was the naacp's first field secretary in mississippi. he had fought for his country in world war ii. before coming home to fight for justice here. his assassination by a white supremacist in june of 1963 helped to inspire the march on washington. joining me now is myrlie evers williams, the widow of medgar evers and a legendary civil rights leader in her own right. and historian taylor branch author of the trilogy of books on dr. king and the civil rights movement. thank you both for being on tonight. >> it's a pleasure. >> thank you. >> let me start with you ms. evers williams. your husband was killed in june of '63, and it was part of what really ignited the movement that had already started around having this march. you were the speaker at that march and didn't make it. and one of the things we're most proud of is tomorrow you're going to make that speech at lincoln memorial for the march on washington. >> well, thank you. >> 50 years later. >> thank you ever so much. >> tell us what was running through your mind as you fought in mississippi and th
was not mentioned. even though in mississippi where i was working, only 3% of the black people were registered. 40% of the population and incidentally, because of our work and working with other people, mississippi had the largest number of elected officials, but now, we're here 50 years later and we find in washington that more than in 1953. more people out of work, but more importantly, we went free in 1963. we need state hood. state hood. >> better jobs, better pay was an objective in 1963. a long time before voting rights legislation would come about, but many are crediting the march to having to expedite that, so what are you hoping comes after this 50-year mark of this march? the march did sort of spur us on and lighten our spirit, but we went to work the next week in mississippi and alabama and georgia, et cetera, so what i hope this march will do is let us know the struggle is not over. there's still massive discrimination, unemployment, gaps between the white and black students and it would spur us on to stop being so complacent, but from my point in washington, state hood is my number on
of us were arrested and jailed in mississippi during the freedom ride. a bus was set on fire in alabama. we were beaten and arrested and jailed, but we helped bring them in to segregation in public transportation. i came back here again in june of 196 1963 as the new chairmanf the student non-violent committee. we met with president kennedy, who said the frustration throughout america. in 1963 we cannot because of the color of our skin. we had t to pay a tax, pass a tt because of the color of our skin and pass a vote in jelly beans in a jar. thousand of people were arrested trying to participate in the integration process. many innocent were killed in mississippi, and that's why we told president kennedy we intended to march on washington to demonstrate the need for equal justice and equal opportunity in america. on august 28, 1963, the nation's capitol was in a state of emergency. thousands of troops surroundedded this city, little stores were closed, but the march was so orderly, so peaceful it was filled with dignity and self-respect because we believe in a way of peace, the way of l
nonviolent coordinating committee in greenwood, mississippi. she was on the staff of the march of washington. also, kweisi mfume. and the national editor for "vanity fair," the author of the upcoming book, "an idea whose time has come, two presidents, two parties and the battle for the civil rights act." thank you for joining me. congresswoman, i want to start with you. you have probably some very distinct memories. i was talking about the fact that for people who experienced it, it probably feels like yesterday. for people born after 1963, it feels like ancient history. take us to washington 1963 on that august day. >> well, 1963 was the high point of the civil rights movement in many ways. haven't worked on the staff of the march, being young and foolish, i expected a whole lot of people to come. but nobody really knew how many would come. what was really challenging was the unprecedented nature of the march. there had never been a mass march in washington, much less for civil rights. so if people asked me about what was the -- what do you remember most, frankly, it was not necessarily the
i. once we got past 63 and 64 in saint augustine when the mob turned on the press and in mississippi when people like all good got fired by abc because he would not cover -- abc was still running the story, forgive me, that these three civil rights workers were hiding to get attention and he knew that they had been killed. he lost his job over that. i had to pull nelson at and out of a mob in saint augustine to keep them from being enough. a danish reporter got hit in the camera either by a baseball at and knocked his eye socket out. it was ruthless and brutal for the press. press.s the national the written press never quite believed what they saw. to have press conferences at 9:00 in the morning to say what we were going to do and then the demonstrations would start around 1030 and that 1:00, we would tell them what we did, why we did it, and we would answer questions but they would still -- they could not believe that martin luther king was as , as much of aent selfless man that he actually was. >> in 1961, may 20, when we arrived in montgomery during the freedom ride at the greyho
on to help a student at howard and quote came out for students to go to mississippi because of the work that was going on there. i had seen some -- i had attended a deposition in washington and folk from mississippi and things they had suffered. this elderly man, hartman, talked about what happened on the bus. i was a student. all of the students were coming from all over the country. i was the black student and the student leadership at howard said we have to get there and be there with others. so i went to mississippi that summer of 1964 and i lived with a family. ms.johnson, her daughter was a teenager, june johnson and had been beaten in wynonna, mississippi. june was a strong girl. the family was strong there were about 12 children in the family. they took in three of us. two white girls and myself. host: ruth thanks for the call and thank you for sharing your story from 50 years ago. owen ullmann, we talked about your own participation. walk us through how you arrived here and why you came? guest: my parent has raised me and i'm proud of their values of stressing the importance
, who recently had some heart treatment. let's go to mississippi. laura from ocean springs, mississippi. i am 45 years old. when barack obama talked about education. they discussed how blacks and whites could not go to the same school. thes a graduate from university of south alabama. i was able to graduate from there with a bachelors. >> what did you get your degree in? >> i got my degree in exercise science. work on atrying to masters, but i have been sick. i will have surgery in september. i will try to finish up with a masters in education. >> good luck to you, thank you for joining us. florida, next up. >> how are you doing? listen, i wanted to commend you guys and congratulate you for an awesome broadcast. such a remarkable speech by such a remarkable character. encourage.mber to some of the members of congress commenting about the days activities. here here is senator casey from pennsylvania. this is kay granger of texas. what dreams do you have for your country? the culmination of a movement that began here in montgomery 50 years before. here is california, good evening, stephen
. in texas and mississippi, north carolina and florida, groups are already devising creative ways to make it difficult for minorities, each of us, to vote. in texas, they have already done it. this assault on freedom should be taken as seriously as you have taken anything. any changes to our voting process should be enacted to make voices heard. just simply being able to vote. i have asked the senate judiciary committee to examine these dangerous voting suppression efforts and discuss steps the senate can make to preserve the right of every person to cast a ballot. [applause] on the day the civil rights act was signed into law, president lyndon johnson warned the struggle for equality was not nearly over. here is what he said. "those who founded our country knew that freedom would be secure only if each generation fought." now our generation of americans have been called on to the search of justice. he is sure right. those words are written -- are a reminder to a new generation that freedom must be tended to in order -- for us to grow. [applause] >> ladies and gentlemen, the honorable mit
in mississippi. there was a fear that somebody would get the idea the connecticut of the players. because in some ways these players were civil rights workers. in so most of the players, including the rights players, did not deal very much with the community at large. there really didn't. there were there to play ball. there were not big thinkers. maybe one of them once. >> did you happen to see the jackie robinson from an 42? >> i like to the lot, and i would probably be the most cynical of all. >> i was curious about it because he said the manager brought these guys and because it was a financial decision, a business decision. that was the same theme from 42. analysts is curious about the. seventeen years had passed. was is still a financial thing really or was it just -- >> row, what he said it was -- he had been dead for 20 years, so i did not get to interview him. he did not need the money personally. he was more of the richest as in town. he made in the timber industry. i don't think personally it would be doing something that was right. he loved baseball. a but being a baseball player at t
in mississippi. and i think part of it was that these young idealistic college students wanted to understand these people, not as abstractions, not as enemies, not as human beings and that's exactly why -- what agee accomplishes but the other thing they were drawn to was that it showed them how to live without armor. it showed them how to live according to the principles without compromise. i teach "let us now praise famous men," or try to do my freshman and they hate it. i don't care. [laughter] because there are a couple of every semester t who did it and it's worth it but it's worth it. and "let us now praise famous men," as many of yo you know, is a book that you can't get past the first few pages or it changes your life. and i think in the early '60s there were people who wanted to change, who were eager for the change. and "let us now praise famous men" really spoke to that. >> is it true, agee's reputation as you say, the book itself is a commercial and more or less political flaw but he did live in new york and he had friends, and some of them talked to them. irving howe, paul goodma
her career as a lawyer for the n.a.a.c.p. in mississippi. also here, taylor branch, the historian who has, of course, written four books on dr. king and the civil rights era. his later "the king years" recently out in paperback. and our friend, ben jealous, the professional of the n.a.a.c.p. i want to start with you, marian. when you were there, did you realize at the time the effect that dr. king's speech was going to have? >> yes. and i realized as one of my own-- the hundreds of thousands property we were a transforming element of nonviolent witness that was unprecedented in our history, as you indicated, people expecting violence. here you had a huge, multiracial, multifaith, multigenerational-- i was 24 at the time-- witness -- >> what did you feel like? were you excited? >> i was exhilarated. i felt empowered. i felt connected. it's always good to know that you're not alone and there are all these people coming out saying, "we're committed to making america, america." it strengthened me as i was being trained to go down to mississippi and practice law. a great day. >> schieffer:
in mississippi could not vote and those in new york believed that they had nothing for which to vote. today the united states supreme court having recently eviscerating the voting rights act and with numerous states clamoring to legislative codify voting suppression measures, not only must we not be satisfied, but we must fight back boldly. too many of our unknown heroes and sheroes fought for us to have the precious right for us to vote for us to sit back and timidly allow our franchise to be taken away or diminished. we must not rest until the congress of the united states restores the voting rights acted protections discarded by a supreme court blind to the blatant theft of the black vote. paramount to martin luther king junior's fervent dream was the commitment that african-americans gained full economic opportunity and not be confined to basic mobility from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. today with 12% unemployment rates in the african-american community and 38% of all children of color in this country living below the level of poverty, we know the dream is far from being realized.
father and sister said we cannot rest and be satisfied as long as black folk in mississippi could not vote. and those in new york believed that they had nothing for which to vote. today the united states supreme court, having recently eviscerating the voting rights act and with numerous states clamoring to legislatively codify voting suppression measures, not only must we not be satisfied but we must fight back boldly. too many of our unknown heroes and sheroes fought, bled and died for us to have the precious rights of vote. for us to now sit back and timidly allow our franchise to be taken away or diminished, we must not rest until the congress of the united states restores the voting rights act protections discarded by a supreme court blind to the blatant tests of the black folks. paramount to martin luther king jr.'s fervent dream was the commitment that african americans gain full economic opportunity and not be confined to basic mobility forward from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. today, with 12% unemployment rates in the african american community and 38% of all children
on the south. i said, if we do not see meaningful progress, we will march through virginia, through mississippi and several other places. do your a member? >> i remember all that. i was donated to the march on washington committee and my task was distributing john's speech, the original speech to murmurs of the press who were seated down below lincoln, still above on the steps. i passed out these copies of john's speech and pointed out to them, that john would be the only speaker speaking that day who talk about black people instead of negroes or colored people as was the fashion. i thought and we thought that this demonstrated how militant we were and how different we were and better and superior we were from the other civil rights organizations. none of the reporters made any objection. [laughter] >> what did you mean by militant? >> i meant aggressive. nothing harmful or violent. i have always been upset by people who say, they are so militant. they equate it with violence. it is not necessarily equitable with violence. it just means somebody is it aggressively in pursuit of his ideas. we th
of brotherhood. i have a dream that one day even the state of mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. i have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character. i have a dream today. i have a dream that one day the -- down in alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor have his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day down in alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. i have a dream today. i have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together. this is our hope. this is the faith that i go back to the south with. with this faith w
in mississippi during the freedom ride. a bus was set on fire in alabama. we were beaten and arrested and jailed, but we helped bring an end to segregation in public transportation. i came back here again in june of 1963 with the big six as the new chairman of the student nonviolent coordinating committee. we met with president kennedy. in 1963, we could not register to vote simply because of the color of our skin. we had to pay a poll tax, pass a so-called literacy test, and count the number of jelly baean in a jar. hundreds of thousands of people were arrested in the south for trying to participate in the democratic process. medgar evers had been killed in mississippi, and that's why we told president kennedy we intended to march on washington to demonstrate the need for equal justice and equal opportunity in america. on august 28th, 1963, the nation's capital was in a state of emergency. thousands of troops surrounded the city. liquor stores were closed. but the march was so orderly, so peaceful. it was filled with dignity and self-respect because we believed in a way of peace, the way of lov
, several other states said we made a big mistake. and mississippi had already done a better job than many and has now mandated its civil rights to be taught in all of the high schools in mississippi to read a great step forward for the state of mississippi which had -- north carolina has become the new mississippi now. so mississippi lost its place. i will let someone else answer the question. that is one of my students. a bright young man. >> i would just say it is the story itself at morehouse college for sure. we are going on line with some things and converging the expertise and the brain power. we have one of our professor. a couple things have happened in the country recently. the monument here in washington was about $120 million. and then the civil rights museum in atlanta. here is morehouse college that built a chapel in 1979 with a statute out front. we say that we need to convert more resources to really undergird this tradition at morehouse and that is what we are going to do. >> my name is jane and i had the honor of working at the brookings institution previously give it my
every hill of mississippi and from every mountainside. let freedom ring, and when it happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and from every state and every city we will be able to speed up the day that all of us black men and white men choose power and we will be able to join hands and sing in the old spirit of free at last, free at last. thank god almighty we are free at last. [applause] >> on a sunday morning in september of 1963, for young black girls attended sunday school at the 16th st. storch church. the bible lesson was a love that for dallas. the girl moved to the basement when suddenly an always went through the church like a cannon. the bomb planted near the basement went through the house of worship. they toppled a gruesome discovery. sandia, age 14, carroll robertson, age 14. addy mae colins and denise age 11 all were found dead, their bodies buried atop one another. >> it's great to be visible all through dallas. >> it will only be a matter of minutes before he arrives at the turnpike. >> they got in the newsroom and as perhaps you
to go south of richmond. just the way i was cultivated and mississippi was a scary place because emmitt till was murdered there. and i still remember ibm blacked and when we go together i wonder what people think and all day ever say is come back. i remember you from your service and never sure president. but i was a little gun shy with how i was brought up but we had a wonderful time. >> calling on the republican line. >> caller: with a race race, every time a black person kills a white person and it is o.k. but if a white person kills a black person they set out it is a race. it is not race all the time. we are past all that we need to except people who they are and quit complaining. >> guest: who is complaining? >> caller: the blacks always complain. >> guest: whitey think we're always explaining our circumstances? >> caller: they just complain get over the past. >> guest: you are from the south. you're from the south to the seveners get over the loss of the confederate war of the state's? >> caller: i am past that. the south lost. >> host: can you give us a little bit of your histor
? guest: it is certainly a valid point. host: let's try charles from mississippi. republican line. hi, there. caller: my question to the lady would be that i noticed during this family vacation with the president's family was gone to martha's vineyard, they left bo the dog at home, and sent a marine helicopter to bring it back at a cost of over $300,000. i would like to know why that is not talked about more. host: more about the president there. guest: i do not know where the facts are coming from, but i find that intriguing, and if that is true, that is certainly something reuters would want to know about and write about. i have a long record in journalism looking into the -- exactly that kind of thing. i will take that note home with me. host: a couple of callers are mentioning the white house, and twitter, the same thing. we have been talking about rules congress wrote for itself for travel. you have a sense of how the white house works in this area -- how he decides where they are going? is anyone oversee those decisions because we are hearing it from callers? guest: i do not kno
hill of mississippi. there was one place that dr. king did not mention, about which he later spoke of. that was the district of columbia. that is because full freedom and democracy were and are still denied to the people who quite literally live within the site of the capitol dome. our city is home to more residents than the state of vermont and wyoming. but we have no voting representative in our own congress. we pay more than $3.5 billion a year in federal taxes. we don't even get the final say over how we spend our own locally raised money. we send our sons and daughters to fight for democracy overseas, but don't get to practice it fully here at home. today, as we remember those who gave so much have a century ago to extend the blessings of liberty to all americans, i implore and hope that all of you will stand with me when i say that we must let freedom ring from mount saint alban, where rises the majestic national cathedral. we must let freedom ring from the bridges of anacostia. we must let freedom ring from capitol hill itself, until all of the residents of the very seat of our
songs. ?let freedom ring." from stone mountain of georgia, and every hill of mississippi. there was one place that dr. king did not mention, about which he later spoke of. that was the district of columbia. that is because full freedom and democracy were and are still denied to the people who quite literally live within the site of the capitol dome. our city is home to more residents than the state of vermont and wyoming. but we have no voting representative in our own congress. we pay more than $3.5 billion a year in federal taxes. we don't even get the final say over how we spend our own locally raised money. we send our sons and daughters to fight for democracy overseas, but don't get to practice it fully here at home. today, as we remember those who gave so much have a century ago to extend the blessings of liberty to all americans, i implore and hope that all of you will stand with me when i say that we must let freedom ring from mount saint alban, where rises the majestic national cathedral. we must let freedom ring from the bridges of anacostia. we must let freedom ring from capi
, in the delta of mississippi. >> and there was a line about marching through the south like sherman which had to be exercised before you delivered, isn't that right? >> it is true that i did have a line in the speech that said in effect if we do not see meaningful progress here today, the day will come, when we will not confine our marching in washington. but we may be forced to march through the south the way sherman did nonviolently. the archbishop of washington -- if i did not delete that part of the speech. and we had some discussion the evening before the march. and later someone came to me and said how is your speech and i said, we have to make some changes you have to delete something. and i remember having a discussion with mr. wilkins and i said roy, this is my speech. and i'm speaking for the young people. speaking people fresh from jails. and he sort of dropped it. and randolph and martin luther king, jr. came to me. and we met right on the side of mr. lincoln. the music was already playing. someone had a portable;÷ñ÷ typewriter. and dr. king said to me, john that doesn't sound
, mississippi. and many may relate to that. the death of those three civil rights workers there. but you also relate the fact that there was many others all across the great state of mississippi and in other southern states who sacrificed as well. and so share some of your opinions on the ideal of galvanizing the college youth. >> we followed the tradition as college students of young people and college students all over the world. when you talk about changing the social order, it is usually the young people, the young, educated people who will generally spear that particular change. -- spearhead that particular change. so we followed that same historical tradition. when, we know about the three civil rights workers who were murdered, but during that same period from june, i think, through september a total of 7 other blacks -- 27 other blacks, young black males, were murdered in mississippi. i related the you the story of two students at alcorn college who were just coming back to the campus from downtown, and two carloads of klansmen kidnapped them, and they found be their bodies, i think,
in the country to handle cases in mississippi and alabama and california and all over and tom was one of those people. he was sent to texas to handle a very significant hate crime case when he was a young lawyer that involved a gang of white supremacists that went on a killing spree and ended up shooting 3 people and killing one when he was a young lawyer working in the civil rights division. he later served as a top deputy for attorney general janet reno, he was special counsel to ted kennedy and served as the president's advisor on civil rights issues. he was also director for civil rights at the department of human health services. tom, you will find, is passion ate and committed to equality and justice for everyone. tom, more than anyone i know, makes every single day in his life matter, whether it's focused on anti-bullying work, voting rights, disability rights, housing rights, the eighth amendment, immigration, hate crimes or human trafficking. tom cares about all of those issues to his core and he works every day to make the world a better place. ladies and gentlemen, please welc
georgia and areas of mississippi and alabama, too, especially the southern portions near the gulf as much as six to ten inches of rain over the next couple of days. by far the southeast is a travel trouble spot in the northeast if you left the windows open last night you may have had to close them in the middle of the night. we're in the mid-50s in the city, 40s in some of the suburbs. feels like fall but it will be a beautiful afternoon, thomas, we showed you d.c. there, i mean, you do vacations in d.c. mid-august, you're prepared for like heat, humidity, gross. 80 and low humidity enjoy it. >> i grew up in baltimore so i know all about gross, i do. bill thanks so much. >>> coming up at the top of the hour on "morning joe" we'll take you live to egypt as the military continues its crackdown on the muslim brotherhood protest. we'll discuss the options that remain for u.s. action. >>> and then we come back we huddle around the water cooler, a new tactic in the push to get san diego mayor bob filner out of office, the parcy video that you need to see and hear after this. right now, 7 years
oxford, mississippi, they had the violence down there to keep black students out. george wallace stood in the schoolhouse door. king was a march for jobs and freedom but that didn't produce the civil rights accident. what produced it, john, was the death of john f. kennedy a couple months later when he was assassinated and linden johnson's presidency and building on that movement to pass the civil rights act, and then selma produced the voting rights act. but let me say this john. there was a downside in that decade, too. snick was no longer led by john lewis but h rap brown and stokley carmichael. you had the riots in watts in '65. dr. king was shot, a hundred cities burned, including washington, d.c. i was in nixon's campaign. the whole issue was law and order in america, and at one point nixon and wallace together had almost 70% of the national vote. >> eleanor. >> well, that was quite a trip through history, thank you. but nixon and wallace together culminate in the southern strategy where you take political exploitation of the plight, if you will, of blacks in the south, and when
Search Results 0 to 49 of about 121 (some duplicates have been removed)